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Therefore, we use stressed syllables and unstressed syllables with full vowels in the present experiment and focus on studies using stressed and unstressed syllables with full vowels when we review the literature on processing syllable prosody in the following paragraphs. Those syllables do not only differ in their prosodic features, but also in the identity of their vowels. A confound results when stressed syllables and reduced unstressed syllables are compared. While stressed syllables always contain a full vowel, unstressed syllables either contain a full vowel, such as the first syllable of neON, or they contain a reduced vowel, such as the second syllable of FAther. Next to those prosodic features, vowel identity might vary between stressed and unstressed syllables. Stressed syllables typically are longer, louder and marked by higher pitch than unstressed syllables (e.g., Fry, 1958). For example, the first syllables of the words FAther or MARket, and the second syllables of the words neON and musEUM are stressed (capital letters indicate stress).
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The prominent syllable is said to be stressed. In stress-timed languages like German or English, typically a single syllable of a multisyllabic word is perceived to be more prominent than the remaining syllable or syllables. We base this assumption on our previous work on the role of syllable stress in German listeners’ spoken word recognition. Here we propose that prosodic characteristics of the speech signal have their own phoneme-free representations, which are independent from phoneme representations. How phonological characteristics beyond phoneme-relevant information, such as the words’ syllables with their specific stress pattern, contribute to spoken word recognition remains unspecified in those models. Classical models converge in the assumptions that individual speech sounds are mapped onto pre-lexical phoneme representations and that word recognition is a function of the amount of overlapping representations at the pre-lexical phoneme level and the lexical word form level (e.g., Marslen-Wilson, 1987, McClelland and Elman, 1986, Norris, 1994). Together with the previous results they reveal that phoneme-free prosodic representations at the pre-lexical and lexical level are recruited by neurobiological spoken word recognition.Ĭurrent modelling of spoken word recognition is largely determined by phonemes and their establishing features.
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The present results are evidence for phoneme-free prosodic processing at the lexical level. However, polarity of ERP stress priming was reversed to that previously obtained. ERP stress priming did neither interact with phoneme priming nor with the stress pattern of the targets. We orthogonally varied prime–target overlap in stress and phonemes. First syllables of those words served as primes. We used German target words with the same onset phonemes but different onset stress, such as MANdel (“almond”) and manDAT (“mandate” capital letters indicate stress). Here we test whether phoneme-free ERP stress priming involves the lexicon. ERP stress priming was independent of prime–target phoneme overlap. Recently we reported that spoken stressed and unstressed primes differently modulate Event Related Potentials (ERPs) of spoken initially stressed targets.